I'm at the Unreasonable Institute in Boulder as a mentor this week, and later today I'll be giving my take on the presentation that has kicked off the stay of each of the several dozen mentors that they have hosted this summer. Since it's the end of the program, I'm going to go a little meta and talk about the big, meaty bet we're all making on our generation to change the world.
A Unique Combination of Influences. Our cohort grew up with a strange combination of influences. We got a big dose of the holdover idealism of the 1960s generation. At the same time, we got the skepticism that characterized the boomer echo and Gen Xers. The important thing about this combination is that it has predisposed us to be critical and not shy about critiquing organizations driven by good intentions rathe than real impact, while keeping us generally idealistic and optimistic about the value of social change efforts.
A Strange Historical Moment. The 1990s was a truly weird moment in history. The Cold War ended, and as much as it was supposed to be the glorious 'end of history,' it actually was the most violent, turbulent decade since WWII. As we started to get into college in the 2000s, and -- in many cases prompted by the horror of September 11th -- looked back to see the real state of the world, many of of us found that what we remembered and what we experienced was vastly different than what most of the world was experiencing.
At the same time, the internet was creating the architecture for an expansion in human capacity and human connection unlike anything in history. Travel was becoming easier, and the end of the Cold War had seen an explosion in global civil society and nonprofit organizations.
Learning in Person. Taking advantages of these opportunities, our generation has had consistently growing rates of volunteerism. Study abroad is growing on just about every campus, and the places that people are going and the types of programs they're studying in are expanding just as rapidly. There is no learning as essential as learning directly from people experiencing the problems, and we've been fortune to have a lot of that very early.
A Growing Support Structure. Importantly, along with the growth in young people getting their hands dirty with social change has been a boom in the institutions that are designed to support that work by critiquing it, contextualizing it, and offering it new expression. Undergraduate centers, incubator and accelerator programs, training conferences - there is an entire ecosystem of organizations working to make sure that young people's efforts have the impact they wish.
Aligned Frameworks. As there has been an expansion in youth engagement, there has also been an expansion in social change efforts of all types. The heightened prominence of "social entrepreneurship" has enabled young people to tap into a language and a field that takes their work out of the context of young do gooders and actually involves them in the global conversation about how best to change the world.
Global Peers. If most of what is discussed here refers to a specific subset of the generation -- namely a certain class of American young people -- the global peer infrastructure is changing rapidly, and from internet communicaton to global conferences, young people who may have a different history but share a common future are finding one another and letting themselves be influenced by one another.
A Question of "Success." No generation has ever had as much of what it needs to change the world so early. In the long-run, however, whether we live up to that promise will be largely based on how we define success in our personal lives, and how that translates to our professional endeavors. If we decide in five years that money and comfort is the primary objective, we'll compromise left and right and quickly learn to the next group to pick up where we left off. If, instead, we define success to include not only money but impact and engagement, it will change the entire structure of our economy.
Photo credit: Mikael Miettinen
Priya Parker has worked in India, Africa and the US on peace-building and social-innovation. Read all of Priya's blog posts here.
In my last blog post I wrote about the Afghan peace jirga held in June. One idea that was put forth in President Karzai’s peace proposal was to pay insurgents not to fight. Like any interesting idea, not only is the devil in the details, but it’s also in the implementation. Apparently the Iraqi government has experimented with a “cash for loyalty program” and at least according to some accounts it “turned the tide” in the country.
What would have to happen for this to work?
• Incentives must be aligned. The government would have to figure out a way to make subscribing to this program attractive to citizens who are otherwise fighting for primarily economic reasons. The government would have to structure the program, including pricing, delivery, and timings of payments in such a way that meets and surpasses the opportunity cost of joining the Taliban.
• Given that it’s a government program, how would they avoid corruption, leakage of payments, or inadvertently funding the Taliban? In any cash transfer program, it is commonly known that leakage happens. In India, for example, a country that struggles with corruption, Rajiv Gandhi once famously estimated that only 15% of development aid reaches the poor. How would the government secure such payments, particularly when funds could strengthen the fighting forces?
• Would it cause a price-war between the Taliban and the government? While it sounds a bit strange, by paying someone not to fight it both acknowledges that as an important choice, but it also commodifies the action. If the Taliban knows the government is paying a certain amount not to fight, perhaps the Taliban could just pay the same people more.
• How would they safely transmit money? Perhaps through mobile payments.
• If they have funds to pay people not to fight, what else could they pay them to do? Work brings dignity as well as something to do during long days. Perhaps the government can also pay Afghans to work or help with security projects.
• How would one guarantee they didn’t fight anyway?
Do any readers know of any other examples of governments paying citizens not to fight in a civil war?
While the last few decades have seen an approach to copyright law that is more about protecting the dying business models of big industries than protecting small artists and creators, an update from the US Copyright Office released yesterday actually constitutes good news for those who think that copyright has gone off the rails.
Copyright is an interesting thing. It arose as a way to ensure that creators could derive value from their work that would allow them to continue to focus on their creation as their primary pursuit. The goal was not just to support the rights of a particular class of individuals, but a recognition of the fact that those individuals had a significant role in creating a vibrant artistic, scientific culture and civil society. The earliest copyright law in England had to do with the growing number of books being printed for broad consumption.
The internet has put immense stress on copyright. Simply put, the digitization of all media has lowered the cost of creating a copy of any movie, book, or song to zero. What's more, it has disrupted the role of the intermediaries who used to be charged with discovering, creating, and disseminating that media. Without the natural friction of either the cost of production or the cost of discovery of talent, the internet has created a Wild West in which anything can be shared and exchanged freely with just a few clicks.
Some see this as an amazing opportunity for opportunity to flourish and for the old monopolies of the publishing companies and record labels to be broken. Companies who have been intermediating value from the work of creators obviously see it as an existential threat.
One of the center pieces in the ideological battle has been the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA), US legislation that passed in 1998 and created strict provisions for digital rights management (DRM). The act has given legal standing for companies to pursue legal action against "pirates" who use their content in ways not intended and who distribute it without permission. Groups like the Electronic Frontier Foundation have decried it as stifling free expression and inhibiting fair use -- a term which refers to the legitimate ways a customer can use media once they have purchased it.
Every few years, the US Copyright Office issues clarifications about what previous laws mean. The most recent DMCA clarification was a big win for user-advocates. Among the clarifications:
The last two are directly relevant for Apple. Apple's iPhone has been tied exclusively to AT&T, but with this ruling, it is now legal for someone to unlock the phone and use a different network compatible with Apple's hardware (which effectively means T-Mobile). Apple's App Store has been the gatekeeper of the programs that can run on the iPhone, but tech savvy users have used a work around called "Jailbreaking" in order to install programs that haven't been approved. This ruling makes this activity completely legally sanctioned. This matters in part because Apple has used its store approval policies to keep out certain software it saw as competitive - like Google Voice.
It seems unlikely that this will have a dramatic impact on the day-to-day lives of most media consumers. But it will impact the way developers and entrepreneurs think about their opportunities, and could also influence other legal rulings about the changing nature of intellectual property law. Ultimately, those effects could be significant.
Photo credit: Horia Varlan
Back in December in blisteringly cold Copenhagen, tens of thousands of activists, government workers, lobbyists, and world leaders came together for what many hoped would be a diplomatic breakthrough. Though the weather was cold, conditions seemed ripe: Environmental groups across the globe had worked hard to generate a strong display of public will, culminating in 350.org’s Day of Action earlier in October, which CNN called "the most widespread day of political action in the planet's history.” Bolstered by the announcement that President Obama would attend the talks personally, hopes were high for meaningful engagement on the part of the United States after more than a decade of inaction.
It seemed to many environmental organizations and their supporters that their international strategy might finally pay off. They were mistaken and left Copenhagen only with questions: What had gone wrong? Why did world leaders punt on the biggest crises facing our planet? And the most important of all: What now?
At Copenhagen, representatives from the Obama Administration told activists straight to their face: You’ll have to make us do this. And your movement is just not big enough.
Fast forward seven months, to blindingly hot Washington D.C., and we have the same result—though this time it was Congress’ turn to punt, despite a great deal of behind-the-scenes negotiations. Senator Kerry (D-MA) said, "We believe we have compromised significantly, but we're prepared to compromise further."
Despite that display of, um, generosity, Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) explained, this time they were just not big enough. Unable to get the 60 votes needed to break a Republican filibuster, no climate legislation will move forward in the Senate this year. Since they’re likely to have even fewer votes after the midterms, this does not bode well for hopes of a national policy any time soon.
This is a double blow because the one outcome of COP 15—the Copenhagen Accord—is predicated on countries voluntarily setting and meeting domestic targets. So the lack of national climate legislation also means that our only hope for meeting our 2020 reduction targets is the EPA’s authority, which is likely going to be challenged in court for as long as the delayers can manage. That, or further steep declines in economic activity, like what has happened recently in the UK.
Gladly, I’m no Beltway insider, and my assumptions should be read as just that. But the way I see it, this result (or lack thereof), is not much of a surprise. Four of what are likely many reasons:
1. The Kerry-Lieberman bill was so badly flawed that not even the Big Green environmental groups could hold their noses enough to back it. Though they had staked their strategies, dollars, and reputations on getting something, anything passed before the likely loss of Democratic Party majorities in Congress, they saw that this bill could in fact be worse than no bill.
2. Our leaders’ allegiance to the mythical god of growth trumps their concern over the proven chemistry and physics of global climate change. The irony is rich, of course, considering that even after a veritable iceberg of evidence corroborating anthropogenic global warming, fabricated “scandals” like climate gate still somehow send the media into paroxysms of doubt and politicians diving for the nearest rock (likely to be underwater in about 30 years). In the meantime, there’s a wholly unsubstantiated belief shared by politicians, pundits, and plebeians of all stripes that without endless economic growth our entire universe would spontaneously implode.
And so, anything that could be viewed as putting our economic “recovery” at risk is simply a bridge too far, particularly in the run-up to mid-term elections.
3. Senate Republicans determination to block any bill that hit the floor. You’ve got to give Senate Republicans credit for their single-mindedness, and ability to wholly divorce their legislative positions from the love I’m sure they feel for their children and grandchildren. That takes a special level of determination and obstinacy.
4. The Obama Administration is simply not serious (enough) about our energy and climate crises. That was made abundantly clear in his oval office speech on June 15th when in the midst of the worst environmental disaster in our nation’s history, his tepid response was this:
So I am happy to look at other ideas and approaches from either party—as long they seriously tackle our addiction to fossil fuels. Some have suggested raising efficiency standards in our buildings like we did in our cars and trucks. Some believe we should set standards to ensure that more of our electricity comes from wind and solar power. Others wonder why the energy industry only spends a fraction of what the high-tech industry does on research and development—and want to rapidly boost our investments in such research and development. All of these approaches have merit, and deserve a fair hearing in the months ahead.
No specific call to action, no plan offered up. Just an invitation to explore ideas. It was clear in that moment that President Obama was not prepared to stick his neck out for substantive energy and climate policy. Not even when Americans were shaking with anger over the ongoing Deepwater Horizon Gulf spill.
And so here we are again, asking, “What Now?”
More and more in my conversations with environmental groups, activists, and funders, it seems their focus is shifting from the international to the national to, now, the state and local level. For several reasons, I think this is a smart strategy.
In my next post, I’ll touch on the politics and possibilities of local action. Then, I’ll toss out an idea for getting Sarah Palin to serve as the ultimate spokesperson for national climate legislation. Trust me, she won’t like it.


In this late edition of the Weekend Entrepreneur Links, most of the posts focus on the Social Innovation Fund, an initiative of the Corporation for National and Community Service that just announced its first set of grant intermediaries -- the foundation partners who will distribute the money to specific nonprofits. In my estimation, the Fund veered hard toward funding "what works" as opposed to funding risky, novel innovation. Ultimately, the question is how much value they add.
Builders, Buyers & the Social Innovation Fund: Sean at Tactical Philanthropy has been the most stalwart voice supporting the Social Innovation Fund process. This post, which actually started as an email to me, does a good job of articulating his reasons for this excitement. What it comes down to is a frustration with the nonprofit funding world's tendency to fund projects and programs rather than organizational capacity, and what Sean sees as a really bold statement from the US government that the way forward to a healthy social sector is investment in great organization, not preselected funding priorities. I can buy that, but I'm less sure that's the best value add for the government.
Wise Picks? Commentators Weigh In on the Social Innovation Fund Grants: As usual, the Chronicle of Philanthropy's roundup of commentary from the SIF decision covers wide ground and gets the essentials of the various arguments. One of the more interesting links is to a Google map of the recipients (and grantees who have been announced so far).
Open Society Foundations Partner with Federal Government to Drive Innovation and Opportunity Combating Poverty in Communities Nationwide: The title of this piece is basically what you need to know about the story. I include it here because even if I am somewhat disappointed in the approach the Social Innovation Fund took, I absolutely want it to succeed in the direction it has taken. One of the major promises of the Fund was to recruit matching partners, so the fact that that is happening is a very positive sign.
Trader’s Cocoa Binge Wraps Up Chocolate Market: This one has nothing to do with the SIF, but is worth reading. It's the story of a trader who is snatching up a huge portion of the world's cocoa market in order to be able to influence prices. According to the piece, he has about 7% of the global crop. This piece reminds us of the huge questions about unfettered financial power.
Photo credit: r-z
Seed funding and support organization Echoing Green sees a huge number of early-stage social entrepreneurs apply to its fellowship program each year. They've just released some aggregate data that comes straight from a survey filled out by their semifinalists, and the information is fascinating. Among the trends are the youthfulness of founders, changing types of previous experience, and increasingly innovative organizational structures.
Trend 1: Social Entrepreneurs are starting early. 55% of EG finalists over the last four years have been under 35. In 2009, they made up 70% of the semifinalist pool. In 2010, 65 of the finalists indicated that they had first studied the issue they are working on in college. This certainly resonates with what I'm seeing - which is an explosion of programs catering to the passion of young people (particularly under- and recent graduates) and attempting to provide skills and discipline.
Trend 2: Previous nonprofit experience still the norm, but not a necessity. In 2010 15% fewer of EG semifinalists had previously worked in nonprofits or governments. 49% had worked for for-profits or been self employed, which was up 13% from the previous year. A little over a third of them had previously founded an organization, of which about two-thirds were still in existence. All of this is a hugely positive sign to me, as it suggests that there is more movement from the business space into social entrepreneurship, which I think is a natural next step.
Trend 3: A strong growth towards hybrid organizations. This is another one that seems pretty positive to me. 2010 saw 37% of EG semifinalists structure their organizations as hybrid nonprofit/for-profit models, which is up 20% from the previous year. The number of people starting pure nonprofits was down 20% and the number of pure for-profits remained consistent, at only 8% of the total.
Some additional demographic data that was interesting: Almost 50% of the semifinalists in 2010 were Millennials, the most of any generational group. Just over 25% were African-American, which is awesome to see.
This information is really useful for anyone interested in where this field is going, and I'm glad Echoing Green took the time to summarize it and make it available. More than anything, I think it validates the growing appeal of solving social problems to for-profit entrepreneurs, an essential next step for our field to continue to grow.
Learn more about the survey on Echoing Green's website.
Photo credit: Echoing Green - Social Change Starts Here

And so we have it. At noon today (PST), we saw the predictable collapse of Democrat resolve to address the most serious crisis of our times.
So what. Big surprise.
The most likely bills were horrifically flawed (don't get me started on the Kerry Lieberman joke, the one where the punchline was my childrens' future). The public demand for truly significant, timely progress on energy and climate simply isn't there. This was never going to happen in the first place.
We can point fingers at Washington, DC, but we should be pointing them at ourselves. We allow our votes to be taken for granted. We equate online activism with real-world pressure. We talk smartly of responsible consumption and equitable resource distribution--while waiting in line to purchase new iPhones. We hold hands when we should be holding feet to fire. We self-identify as consumers, not citizens. We elect, time and time again, fellow citizens with no track record of caring about our issues. We believe that Tweeting counts as activism. We make excuses like, "Lesser of two evils" and "Incremental change is better than slipping backward." (To be crystal here, I am including ME in 'we'. I work on these issues every single day, and still I fail in my personal life to be a notable example of resilient living.)

It's not that we don't care. Or don't believe that the earth is warming and action must be taken. We, as a nation, emphatically do.
It's that we haven't yet commited to making meaningful progress, as individuals or as a society. We must remember that every daily action has a reaction (somewhere, some time), and behave like informed citizens who give a damn. We know what to do. We even know how to do it. We know what the future can and should look like. We know how to get there. Everything is in place for a rapid and orderly transition to relocalized, resilient communities.
The 10-10-10 Global Work Party has the potential to be Day One of that transition. Beyond shovels in soil, we can use it to start the political transformations needed right now all over the world. New blood, new values, new determination to do right by this planet. Who knows, maybe even new parties who will leave the old guard behind in the dust of work boots and wheelbarrows.
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P.S. Here's a great overview by Joseph Romm at Grist.
Thanks to onlinedegrees.net for listing Ashoka Peace as one of the "50 Best Blogs for Following Human Rights News".
See the full list here. It will show you "not only how you can help protect under-served or persecuted communities, but also how you can apply your new understanding of the world to society and business back home".
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Ever since the extent of the environmental, economic, and social damage of the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico became clear, blame has been assigned to BP, its business partners, the U.S. government, and, perhaps most appropriately, all of us. Then, earlier this week, Chrystia Freeland, global editor at large for Thomson Reuters, offered a new theory in the Washington Post: The “cult of corporate social responsibility” is to blame for the spill, and for that matter, for the financial crisis and many more unnamed “business disasters of the past 24 months.”
As a 10-year veteran of this “mini-industry” of CSR, as Freeland calls it, I took offense. The oil spill and the financial crisis happened despite CSR not because of it, so we need more—and more effective—CSR, not less.
As is often the case with editorials questioning the value of CSR, Freeland bases her arguments on a definition of CSR that is anywhere from outdated to just plain wrong: She equates CSR with green marketing and philanthropy and argues that it detracts from what really matters to business and society—the core business.
Instead, Freeland argues, companies should focus on their core responsibility of making a profit in ways that benefit rather than harm society. I fully agree—and so do many in my field, as that is the very definition of CSR.
Indeed, an increasing number of companies understand that sustainability is key to their long-term success and are integrating CSR into core business strategy. This is evident in my daily work: All of the projects I am working on right now involve not just the CSR champions at the company, but representatives from legal, human resources, product strategy, health and safety, marketing, and other functions.
One oft-cited example of this approach is General Electric. In the company’s latest Citizenship Report, CEO Jeffrey Immelt states that “the key question is, where can GE apply its innovation, knowledge, and expertise to create new products and services while helping to solve these tough problems?” CSR is defined as innovating new products and services; it does not get more “core” than that.
Freeland closes with a very important point: It is the role of government to ensure that companies operate in a manner that benefits rather than harms society. I could not agree more, but it’s wrong to assume that CSR and effective government oversight are mutually exclusive, or even diametrically opposed. Business and society share an interest in avoiding environmental and other disasters through a combination of rigorous management systems at the company and effective regulation by government.
Unfortunately, the media do not publish stories about disasters averted, but if they did—and if they looked at the reasons why—they would find that the credit was often due to CSR. Rather than causing disasters by distracting companies from their primary functions, CSR can actually help prevent them by helping companies perform their primary functions well and more sustainably. Therein lies the primary business benefit of CSR. After all, for business, the cost of avoiding a disaster is always much smaller than the cost associated with the disaster itself. We would be hard-pressed to find a better example of this than the BP spill.
Well, the results are out. The much-discussed Social Innovation Fund, run by the Corporation for National and Community Service, has just announced its first set of grant-winning partners, the funding intermediaries who will distribute the funds to the ultimate recipients. The results show the SIF is primarily focused on "funding what works" versus making more risky bets.
The central mission dissonance of the Social Innovation Fund has always been the question of what its real objective was. Was it meant to be a fund that really pushes an experimental agenda and deploys capital in favor of new approaches to social change that have both high risk and high reward? Or was it alternately a chance for the government to get a hand in on organizations whose models started as innovative and who were reaching an inflection point where new resources and government support could help them achieve the scale their proven model demanded. Even the title of the press release announcing the new grants demonstrates the tension: "Inaugural Social Innovation Fund Grants Awarded to Experienced Innovators" (emphasis mine).
My preference would have been to see the first approach above enact. I tend to think that the relative smallness of the amount of resources being deployed lend themselves well to this being the "sandbox space" where the government could support really experimental efforts that could go nowhere, but could also have the disruptive potential that just couldn't be enacted through a government structure that is designed fundamentally to be incremental.
That said, I can appreciate an approach which is about scaling nonprofit innovation as well. There is a real challenge in getting resources to fully expand organizations to their potential. Even more than that, there has never been a really coherent pathway between nonprofits providing social services and government agency adoption of the most successful things they've learned.
The early evidence suggested that ultimately, the Social Innovation Fund was actually going to behave a lot more like the Social Funding What Works Fund. When the funding guidelines were released, they included an emphasis on randomized control trials as evidence of success. And even though they eased off after expert and community commentary, the focus on a record of success continued to be a supreme concern.
This list of grant recipients seems to validate this emphasis. A third or so of them are foundations with heavy existing involvement of the government. Among the others, a number of them are decades old. This doesn't necessarily mean they're not innovative, but it does certainly bias towards accumulated learning versus constant experimentation.
For me then, the question of how we evaluate this has to be based on the grants that these intermediary partners ultimately make, and even more, how much unique value the fact that these resources are coming from the government provides. It just doesn't make a whole lot of sense to me to have the government deploy resources just because it thinks it should be in the funding game. There has to be some unique compelling value that they provide.
I'm fine to get over my own wish for a more risky, experimental fund if the SIF can ultimately deliver on the decisions its made to focus on "proven innovation," but I think "delivering" will mean demonstrating some real differentiation in the value of their resources.
Check after the jump for the full press release.
Photo Credit: Vince Alongi
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Inaugural Social Innovation Fund Grants Awarded to Experienced Innovators
Portfolio is a collection of bold programs targeting $123 million in resources to community solutions in the areas of economic opportunity, health and youth development
WASHINGTON, July 22 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- In response to the increasing health needs, economic challenges and gaps in youth achievement facing low-income rural and urban communities, the Corporation for National and Community Service announced its inaugural Social Innovation Fund (SIF) grants today. The grants will target millions in public and private funds to grow effective solutions to persistent social challenges across more than 20 states.
The SIF portfolio consists of 11 organizations selected through a rigorous review process involving 60 external experts. The grantees, who represent a diverse set of nonprofit organizations and private and community foundations, share a track record of success at identifying and growing high-performing nonprofit organizations and their proposals offer a set of compelling ideas for how to use innovation and evidence to tackle social challenges in a new way.
"This portfolio is a collection of extraordinary organizations with an unparalleled body of knowledge and expertise on growing what works," said Patrick Corvington, the Corporation's CEO. "They are all driven by the search for bold solutions and recognize that we must use evidence to target limited resources where they will have the greatest impact."
The grantees will address urgent needs across three key issue areas – economic opportunity, healthy futures, and youth development and school support – by providing funding and other support necessary to drive results and impact. The portfolio includes $74 million in secured private match funds, which is beyond the statutory requirement of $50 million. When combined with federal resources, this will result in $123 million being targeted toward promising nonprofit organizations that train the unemployed, increase access to heath services for the underserved and prepare youth for academic and economic success.
An initiative that represents a new way of doing business for the federal government, the $50 million SIF fund leverages a 3:1 private-public match, sets a higher standard for evidence, empowers communities to identify and drive solutions, and creates an incentive for grant making organizations to more effectively target funding to solutions that generate real impact. The SIF is a critical component of the Administration's broader agenda – led by the White House Office of Social Innovation and Civic Participation – to redefine how evidence, innovation, service and public-private cooperation can be used to tackle urgent social challenges.
"Over the long-term, the SIF will contribute to the development of the grant making infrastructure that supports the work of high-impact nonprofit organizations and inform other federal, state and local efforts to address social challenges," said Paul Carttar, Director of the SIF at the Corporation. "It offers an avenue for community-driven solutions to grow and demonstrate their value."
To select grantees, the Corporation implemented a rigorous, multi-phase application review process over a three-month period. Over 60 experts with extensive experience as social innovators, directors of nonprofit organizations, and evaluators of social programs, provided external input across three stages of the review, assessing applications against the criteria published in the SIF Notice of Federal Funds Availability (NOFA) in February of this year. The applications were evaluated based on their program design, organizational capacity and budget. In the final stage of the review, senior members of the Corporation's staff were joined by external reviewers to assess the qualities of the top applications against the portfolio criteria in the NOFA. The finalists were asked to participate in clarification discussions to help the Corporation further assess the merits of their applications.
SIF grantees will conduct open competitions across multiple geographies to select nonprofit organizations (subgrantees) within six months of receiving awards. Three of the 11 grantees applied with competitively pre-selected subgrantees. Each of the eight pre-selected subgrantees have evidence of effectiveness along a continuum of preliminary, to moderate, to strong; intermediaries are required to fund approaches with at least preliminary evidence and fund evaluation efforts to grow the number of approaches with moderate to strong evidence.
Below is the list of the SIF grantees and a short description of the work the grants will fund. Click here to read more information about the portfolio and the grantees' track records of success.
Economic Opportunity
Jobs for the Future, Inc. ($7.7 million; 2 year grant) and the National Fund for Workforce Solutions (NFWS) will expand their targeted training and technical assistance to at least 23,000 low-income individuals over three years while also addressing the critical skill needs of more than 1,000 employers. The funds will dramatically increase economic opportunities for disadvantaged workers and job seekers through investments in regional workforce collaboratives that partner with employers to identify jobs and career pathways in high-growth industries.
Local Initiatives Support Corporation ($4.2 million; 1 year grant) will grow Financial Opportunity Centers – a workforce development and asset-building model that boosts earnings, reduces expenses and coaches low-income families on how to make better financial decisions – to five new cities and 7,500 total participants. The Centers are a core component of the organization's strategy to build sustainable communities.
Mayor's Fund to Advance New York City ($5.7 million; 1 year grant) and the NYC Center for Economic Opportunity (CEO) will replicate five effective anti-poverty programs originally piloted by CEO in eight urban areas. By advancing the education, employment and financial savings of low-income adults and families, the programs will combat poverty across a diverse cross-section of America.
REDF ($3 million; 2 year grant) will create job opportunities for thousands of Californians with multiple barriers to employment – including dislocated youth, individuals who have been homeless or incarcerated, and those with severe mental illness – in sustainable nonprofit social enterprises in low-income communities throughout the state. The project includes testing to determine the potential of these enterprises as scalable employment vehicles.
Healthy Futures
Foundation for a Healthy Kentucky ($2 million; 2 year grant) will improve access to needed health services, reduce health risks and disparities, and promote health equity in 6-10 low-income communities in Kentucky. Subgrantees will focus on testing innovative strategies to increase physical activity, improve nutrition, curb smoking and other unhealthy habits, and, increase access to health services in underserved communities. Competitively pre-selected subgrantee: Barren River District Health Department ($250,000).
Missouri Foundation for Health ($2 million; 2 year grant) will invest in 10-20 targeted low-income communities across the state to reduce risk factors and the prevalence of two preventable causes of chronic disease and death: tobacco use and obesity. The project draws on an integrated community change model blending two transformative models of prevention on obesity and tobacco control.
National AIDS Fund ($3.6 million; 1 year grant) will support innovative strategies that increase access to care and improve health outcomes for at least 3,500 low-income individuals living with HIV/AIDS. The project will employ rigorous evaluation, informing the implementation of the White House National HIV/AIDS Strategy and offering lessons that reduce barriers to care for a broad range of people living with HIV/AIDS and other chronic diseases.
Youth Development and School Support
New Profit Inc. ($5 million; 1 year grant) will collaborate with five to six innovative youth-focused nonprofit organizations with existing evidence to yield significant improvements in helping young people navigate the increasingly complex path from high school to college and productive employment. The project will expand the reach of these nonprofits to improve the lives of nearly 8,000 young people in low-income communities throughout the country. Competitively pre-selected subgrantees: College Summit ($2 million); iMentor ($750,000); Year Up ($2 million).
The Edna McConnell Clark Foundation ($10 million; 1 year grant) will combine large grants, strategic business planning, rigorous evaluation and capital aggregation to increase the scale and impact of up to 10 youth development organizations in communities of need across the U.S. The subgrantees will focus on improving economically disadvantaged young people's educational skills and workforce readiness as well as helping them to avoid high-risk behavior.
Venture Philanthropy Partners ($4 million; 2 year grant) will create a powerful network of effective nonprofit organizations in the Washington D.C. National Capital Region supporting an integrated approach to addressing the education and employment needs of low-income and vulnerable youth ages 14-24. Competitively pre-selected subgrantees: College Summit National Capital Region ($372,000); KIPP DC ($656,000); Latin American Youth Center ($500,000); Year Up National Capital Region ($207,000).
Multi-Issue
United Way of Greater Cincinnati ($2 million; 2 year grant) the Strive Partnership and other funders, will address the needs of low-income children and youth from "cradle to career" in the Greater Cincinnati-area though investments in early education, mentoring and literacy programs, college access, career pathways and other innovations.
About the Corporation for National and Community Service:
The Corporation for National and Community Service is a federal agency that engages more than five million Americans in service through its Senior Corps, AmeriCorps, and Learn and Serve America programs, and leads President Obama's national call to service initiative, United We Serve. For more information, visit NationalService.gov.
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With 1.3 billion people, China is unlikely to reach current U.S. energy consumption per capita for some time, if ever, but to double energy consumption in the last ten years is still an impressive achievement. But keep in mind that the average American is still consuming five times as much energy each year as the average Chinese. China had not been expected to overtake the US for another five years, but the global recession reduced U.S. consumption and China's strong economic rebound in the last sent Beijing's consumption soaring.
Interestingly, Chinese officials immediately denied that the IEA's announcement was correct. This is not because the Chinese do not want to be the world's number one energy consumer, but because they do not want to be known as the number one polluter and contributor to global warming emissions. As global temperatures set new records, Beijing would rather be thought of as the leader in efficient use of energy and developer of renewable technologies, rather than as a giant pollutant-belching smokestack, which may be closer to the truth for much of China's energy comes from coal.
The key issue for the next few years is whether China can keep up its frenetic growth. Earlier this year, after a heavy dose of financial stimulus and much loose lending, China's GDP was growing at an annual rate close to 12 percent. Keep in mind that China's definition of GDP growth does not exactly square with what is used in other countries. So while China's economic growth may be spectacular by OECD standards, it may not be quite that spectacular. When inflationary pressures appeared last spring, Beijing tightened up on lending which seems to have cut inflation, taken a point or two off of GDP growth, and cut back on industrial production.
Whether Beijing's formula of mixed capitalism and state control of key enterprises will prove to be durable over the long run has yet to be seen. What we do know, however, is that a few more years of surging energy consumption will soon be playing havoc with energy prices around the world. Even with GDP growth down to 8 or 10 percent each year, China seems to be on course to import at least an additional 500,000 barrels a day (b/d) on top of the 5.4 million b/d imported in June. Beijing's oil imports have doubled in the last five years. Given that other Asian states are increasing imports and the Gulf oil exporters are consuming increasing amounts of oil, something has got to give. That of course will be prices.
There are a few dark clouds on Beijing's horizon, however. Labor unrest is growing and the realities of China's decades of neglect for the environment are closing in. Natural and man-made disasters -- droughts, floods, hurricanes, melting glaciers, polluted air and water, falling aquifers - are accumulating at an alarming pace. Someday these problems, especially when they cause persistent food shortages, are going to reach the point where they impact the nation's ability to sustain any kind of economic growth. However, the consequences of these problems do not seem imminent.
Like everyone else, Beijing is about to fall victim to rapidly increasing oil prices, and eventually, shortages brought about by peaking world oil production. The government clearly recognizes this and has embarked on multiple programs to increase the efficiency of its energy use, increase production of renewable energy, and to buy up at top dollar as much foreign coal, oil and natural gas production as anybody is willing to sell them. This will in turn prove to be a major problem for the oil importing OECD countries that will see their sources of foreign oil disappear more quickly than anticipated.
For now the Chinese economic juggernaut appears ready to keep moving along right into the age of oil depletion. While the country has social and environmental issues none appear to be a hindrance to continued rapid economic development for the immediate future. With massive reserves of foreign exchange, Beijing should be in best position of any major oil importers to weather at least the initial stages of much higher oil prices.
The next few years are likely to be critical for should China keep increasing its imports of oil and even coal at anywhere close to their current rates of increase, major price spikes in the world's oil markets seem inevitable. The U.S. and OECD may not do too well economically in the next few years, but their oil and coal consumption are unlikely to take more than minor dips. These dips in consumption are unlikely to be enough to offset increasing oil consumption in Asia and the oil exporting nations.
China's new status as the world's number one energy consumer may or may not last long, but it serves as a reminder that there are serious troubles ahead.
Originally published July 21 at Falls Church News-Press
Photo credit: Emily Wiltshire
The first round of the Unreasonable Institute is quickly ebbing into pitch phase, when the 20+ entrepreneurs who have spent all summer in Boulder, CO put it all on the line to find the resources they need to take their companies to the next level. I spent Monday afternoon listening to their pitches at the West Coast Pitch Festival, hosted by Hub SoMa in San Francisco.
Across all the presentations, there were certain stylistic traits that made a presentation stand out as either good or not so good, and that may have applicability in many investment presentations by social ventures.
1. In a sympathetic audience, sell the social problem more quickly. This was an audience predisposed to care about the social issues these ventures are addressing, yet a number of the presentations spent more than half of their allotted time trying to convince the audience of the importance of the problem. Scope of the problem, context of the problem, and a quick analysis of why what exists now isn't cutting it, yes, but move faster through this and into the model meat of the presentation.
2. Get to the big, bombastic, mouth watering picture faster...The emotion that these entrepreneurs have to be trying to inspire is "holy shit, I want in, now." These social investors have to feel like they'd have to be insane *not* to want to invest. At least that's the goal. Making the picture be that exiting requires convincing people of the problem, yes, but more importantly, it requires making your solution seem so clear, so tangible, so full of opportunity that buying in is a no brainer. There was one presentation that was for a really awesome company, but in which it was only the very last slide for the very last few seconds that they shared their audacious goal of reaching 100,000,000 people in the next five years.
3. ...Then work back to how, with as much proof as you have. An essential part of achieving the excitement above is having a compelling logic for why what you're selling will work. A proof of concept with saleable results is best, but whatever it is, the "how" has to be believable. One of the biggest challenges of anyone pitching for resources in the social investment space is that there are still way more examples of organizations that talk a big game than real executers in the field. Ultimately execution matters more than inspiration. A related problem was that main piece of the execution plan for many of the pitches was "We will partner with X, which will open all the doors we need." Much easier said than done.
4. Contextualize it. Maybe the biggest challenge for me was that, because there was a real diversity of business models and financial needs, it was often hard to contextualize how you were supposed to be evaluating the company in front of you. Knowing whether the presenter was looking for resources for a nonprofit, a $1-3m annual business, or a $10m+ company makes a big difference in terms of how you think about the project as it relates to your individual portfolio as an investor. I think almost everyone would have benefitted from an overview slide that gave the key points in the first 10 seconds.
5. Confidence wins. The fastest way anyone lost my attention was by appearing timid. Nervous jitters are normal and fine, but ultimately the entrepreneurship game is about willing something not currently there into existence. This takes an immense amount of convincing. Convincing investors, team members, existing power structures, and anyone else that you need to move in some way. Confidence matters as much or more to me in the social space than in the web space, because I think we have a higher burden to change the narrative. It's still too easy for people to write our field off as a set of small, charitable endeavors outside of mainstream business.
Photo credit: Nathaniel Whittemore